New
Delhi, 26 October 2002
This
is the second part of our three part series of the India–China Border
dispute. (Click here for Part I and Part
III.)
Does
India Have A Case?
By
Mohan Guruswamy
The
next major development with China and Tibet was when the British
called for a conference at Simla in October 1913. The Chinese
attended reluctantly, but the Tibetan authorities came quite eagerly
as they were now engaged in conflict with their Chinese suzerains.
Henry McMahon, Foreign Secretary to the “Government of India”,
led the British delegation. McMahon was some sort of an expert at
drawing boundary lines, having spent two years demarcating the
Durand Line as the North-west frontier.
The
boundary that followed was the now famous McMahon Line. This
boundary now extended British India up to the edge of the Tibetan
plateau. It was not really a cartographers delight as it violated
several rules of boundary demarcation. But it was an ethnic boundary
in the sense that the area, except for the Tawang tract, was
non-Tibetan in character
The
Chinese, however, soon repudiated the Simla Convention and thus the
McMahon Line. All through this period the British never challenged
Chinese suzerainty over Tibet. The new boundary was not made
effective till Olaf Caroe, an ICS officer, in 1935 urged the British
authorities to do so. Thus in 1937, the Survey of India for the
first time showed the McMahon Line as the official boundary. But
confusion still abounded.
In
1938, the Survey of India published a map of Tibet, which showed the
Tawang tract as part of that country. Even the first edition of
Jawaharlal Nehru’s “Discovery of India” showed the
Indo-Tibetan boundary as running at the foot of the hills. The
Tibetans however, did not accept this “annexation” of the Tawang
Tract and challenged the British attempts to expand their government
into this area. They, however, tacitly accepted the rest of the
McMahon demarcation. It is, however, clear that but for the Tawang
tract there is little basis for the Chinese claim on the whole of
Arunachal Pradesh. Even the claim they might have on the Tawang
tract is rendered invalid in the sense that it becomes a
geographical anachronism and incompatible with India’s security
interests.
The
Japanese thrust towards India in World War II gave urgency to the
British need to fix this boundary firmly and securely. Thus in 1944,
J.P. Mills, the government’s advisor on tribal affairs established
a British administration in the entire belt from Walong in the east
to Dirang Dzong in the west. Several posts of Assam Rifles were
established and soon Tibetan govenment officials were packed off
from the Tawang tract also.
Figure
1
This
was the state of the Great Game when the British left India. In
1949, the communists came to power in China and shortly thereafter
the Peoples Republic announced that its Army would be moving into
Tibet. India reacted by sending the Chinese a diplomatic note. Soon
after receiving this angry protest note the Chinese occupied Tibet.
The Chinese said: “Tibet is an integral part of China and the
problem of Tibet is a domestic problem of China. The Chinese Peoples
Liberation Army must enter Tibet, liberate the Tibetan people, and
defend the frontiers of China”. India had hoped to persuade the
Chinese to desist by offering to take up their case for membership
in the UN in place of the Kuomintang Chinese left on Formosa! The
Chinese rejected this absurd quid pro quo and said these two issues
were unconnected.
The
purpose of this laborious recitation of the events of nearly a
century and a half of the Great Game is only to show that the
borders were either never clearly demarcated or established. Lines
kept shifting on maps as political contingencies arose. The Indian
people were, for this entire period, passive spectators to these
cartographic games.
But
in 1947, the British finally left India. Our choice then was to
either call an end to the Great Game or continue playing it with all
the intensity and commitment it called for. We did neither. When the
Chinese Communists occupied Tibet, we acquiesced. And neither did we
firmly move into the areas claimed by the British as Indian
Territory, particularly in the western sector. How well we looked
after territory we claimed as our own is seen by the fact that in
the early 1950’s the Chinese had built a road connecting Tibet to
Sinkiang across the Aksai Chin, and we did not have a clue about it
for several years.
The
Indian government, however, did move into the Tawang tract in force
in 1951, overriding Chinese/Tibetan protests. In this sector, at
least, it was clear that the Indian government was firm about its
control of all the territory claimed by the British. The Chinese
also seemed to have now accepted the McMahon Line as the boundary in
this sector as there are several indications of this effect.
The
situation in the western sector, however, was entirely different.
Here no definite British Indian boundary line existed. The only two
points accepted by both sides were that the Karakorum Pass and
Demchok, the western and eastern ends of this sector, were in Indian
Territory. Opinion on how the line traversed between the two points
differed.
India’s
boundary was inclined towards the Johnson claim line whereas the
Chinese, having built their road through the Aksai Chin naturally
preferred an alignment closer to the McCartney/ MacDonald line of
1899. The Chinese claim line however went further west and included
the Chip Chap valley, Samzungling, Kongka La, Khurnak Fort and Jara
La. More importantly, as far as the Great Game was concerned, the
Chinese were in occupation of all this territory by the early 1950s.
This
is how matters were by the end of 1952 and by and large how things
are today. The Chinese hold all territory, give or take some, within
their claim line in Ladakh and in the east India holds most of the
territory below the McMahon line give or take some. These de facto
boundaries could have been a basis for a permanent settlement of our
boundaries. But we did not pursue it though from time to time there
were indications that the Chinese might want to settle on this
basis.
Now
the question that arises is: Why did the Government of India not
extend its control to the boundaries it claimed in the western
sector as it did in the east? This was mostly due to the terrain.
The boundary claimed lies beyond two high mountain ranges and is
logistically impossible and militarily indefensible. Besides the
Chinese were already in control of much of the area by 1951. The
question then is: Why did the Government of India not make serious
diplomatic or military efforts to assert control over territories,
it believed was ours?
The
answer obviously lies in the fact that legally there was not a very
good case and the military price this barren uninhabited windswept
desolation would demand did not make it a worthwhile cause. Yet in
spite of all this there abounded the zealous spirit with which
recently freed nations regarded their inherited boundaries that
often were without regard to geography, ethnicity and history. Even
in 1954, the most advanced Indian post was at Chushul and barring a
couple of patrols to Lanak La no attempt was made to show the new
flag. Even Lanak La was well south of Aksai Chin and short of the
Sinkiang–Tibet highway, which passed east of it at that point.
The
main rule of the Game for the previous 150 years was that it be
played quietly and as surreptitiously as possible. In the 1950’s
these rules still seemed to prevail and the two contesting
governments decided to keep the lid on the problems while jockeying
around for local advantages. On the surface it was all Hindi-Chini
bhai-bhai and the practice of the Panchsheela philosophy,
but underneath was the realisation that the titles to large tracts
of territory under the control of both parties were under dispute.
The lid blew away when in March 1959 the Dalai Lama fled to India
and was given political asylum.
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