(Former Air Officer Commanding-in-Chief of the South Western Air Command, Indian Air Force)

September 13, 2018

Last week, three French Air Force Rafale jet fighters landed at the Air Force Station in Gwalior with a view to conducting joint operations with their IAF counterparts. The French contingent was in transit after having participated in the multi-nation combat exercise named Pitch Black held in Australia in which IAF Sukhois had also participated. On this occasion, the French Embassy lauded the depth of the Indo-French strategic partnership and the trust that prevails in the relations between the respective armed forces.

Neither the French Embassy nor their contingent in Gwalior would have been unaware of the political slugfest that has embroiled the name of the Rafale fighter and silently wondered whether their hosts actually understood the vital strategic potential of the proposed Rafale weapon system in the shadow of a nuclear threat environment.

The French would not have been the only ones to be so confused. We also had the first 2+2 dialogue being held between the Indian Foreign and Defence Ministers and their respective US counterparts where the future direction of the evolving strategic partnership would be under discussion. At that session, it would be the US government teams, conscious of the Rafale controversy, who would wonder whether some of the past procurements through government-to-government programmes with the US like the C17 heavy-lift transport aircraft, C 130 Hercules, P 81 Maritime Reccee aircraft, Chinook heavy-lift helicopters and others, along with their offset obligations, could fall prey to a similar controversy, thus harming their reputation.

Clearly, the ominous cloud of daily political recrimination must have cast a deep shadow not only over the skies of Gwalior, but across IAF crew rooms and messes, deeply undermining the confidence and morale of the force. This would perhaps explain why the IAF leadership was compelled to take the unprecedented step of making public statements, indirectly jumping into what is essentially a political fray. The VCAS or Vice Chief of the Air Staff responsible for operations, when questioned, termed the Rafale a ‘very capable aircraft that will give India unprecedented advantage over its adversaries, a capability that was needed very quickly’.

The DCAS or Deputy Chief of Air Staff, who as head of Plans and Procurement would have intimately been involved in the entire process, went a step further and countering allegations of any wrongdoing said “What is being alleged does not match with facts at all.” On the question of higher costs, he clarified, “I can tell you that the Rafale that we have gone for is substantially lower than the price that was on the table in 2008.” And finally, on allegations that the offset contract had been awarded to certain private players, he said, “The facts on record indicate that there is no truth in those allegations.”

It needs recalling that similar sentiments were expressed by the Chief of the Air Staff late last year and repeated in Adampur in July. Clearly, the IAF leadership appears concerned that this public slugfest is having an adverse impact not just on the morale of the force, but their confidence in the professional integrity of its leadership as well.

Unknown to those who hold forth daily in TV studios and the media and more importantly, their minders, what should have been a giant strategic step forward in the modernising and strengthening of Indian air power is turning out to be unsettling and self-defeating. If combat pilots across our northern and western frontiers are chuckling, we have only our politics to blame.

As if to remind the nation of the dire straits that the IAF finds itself in, flying obsolete platforms amidst a declining combat force level, the IAF has these last three months lost two MiG-27s, one MiG-21 and one Jaguar aircraft with the sad loss of two lives. A cruel reminder of the shape of things to come. Unmindful, the sterile debate rages on, demonstrating that political one-upmanship means far more to our democracy than the operational capability and safety of our armed forces.

Ironically, even as the government is being accused of favouring a private offset partner, Tata Advanced Systems and Lockheed Martin Corp have announced an agreement whereby TASL will manufacture in Hyderabad wings for all future Lockheed F-16 customers. This should have been a matter of jubilation for our Make-in-India efforts. Instead, since Lockheed are also amongst the potential bidders for a new IAF tender, they have been defensive and declared that this agreement is not contingent on the success or otherwise of that bid! Clearly, international weapon system suppliers are mindful of having not only to compete in the technical and commercial domains, but in a political minefield as well!

The price issue is a red herring and cost comparisons to be meaningful must be based on the total system cost on a like-to-like basis. This would need a detailed cost benefit analysis by a body of specialists, who would still be left guessing about weighing operational value, not readily quantifiable monetarily. One example is the commitment to providing product support for five years, ensuring 85% fleet availability in the IAF’s operating conditions. None, including HAL, have ever committed to such an in-service operational fleet availability.

In an unprecedented low, a petition has recently been filed in the Supreme Court by over 300 serving army officers, JCOs and NCOs on issues relating to their duties in disturbed areas and the dilution of AFSPA. Close on its heels, we are now witness to another low point where the highest IAF leaderships have been compelled to wade into a political controversy in order to shield their force from its corrosive and negative consequences. The world is witness to nations where their militaries have undermined democracies. Indian democracy seems determined to be experimenting with the reverse. Time for the nation to pause and reflect.

Disclaimer: The opinions expressed within this article are the personal opinions of the author. The facts and opinions appearing in the article do not reflect the views of NDTV and NDTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same. The DCAS or Deputy Chief of Air Staff, who as head of Plans and Procurement would have intimately been involved in the entire process, went a step further and countering allegations of any wrongdoing said “What is being alleged does not match with facts at all.” On the question of higher costs, he clarified, “I can tell you that the Rafale that we have gone for is substantially lower than the price that was on the table in 2008.”And finally, on allegations that the offset contract had been awarded to certain private players, he said, “The facts on record indicate that there is no truth in those allegations.”

Air Marshal Brijesh D. Jayal (retired) is former Air Officer Commanding-in-Chief of the South Western Air Command, Indian Air Force.

Courtesy: NDTV

Editors Note: This article is reproduced as published in NDTV website. The opinions expressed are the author’s own and IDC does not necessarily subscribe to them

The recent recommendation of the armed forces cadre review committee that every army officer should retire at the rank of Major-General or above has put our governance structure in the dock.

The Committee, which has also recommended the abolition of a couple of middle-level military ranks, makes no bones that these radical proposals emanate from a desire of army officers to attain parity with their civilian counterparts.

Given the fact that the rank structure in the Army is as old as the Army itself and is essential for maintaining discipline, serious thought should be given to put in place measures that would address the feeling of deprivation and hurt in the armed forces.

Till Independence, as suited a colonial administration, the military and bureaucracy worked in close coordination. Friction started building up soon after Independence when the doctrine of civilian control over the military was given full play by the nascent Indian Government.

The Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army, who, till Independence, ranked just after the Governor-General was put down by several notches, but there was no serious conflict as the Army and civilians had their separate spheres of influence.

However, conflicts soon developed even amongst the various components of the civilian bureaucracy because of our transition from a predominantly agrarian society to a highly complex modern construct.

New challenges had emerged, old sources of Government finance like land revenue had given way to income-tax and central excise, the need for generalist administrators had declined and domain experts were in demand.

Not surprisingly, services like Income-tax and Customs became important and started demanding parity with the IAS. Eventually, the Government partially acceded to their demands, other services also got a taste of the fish and loaves of office but with one rider; whatever any other service got, the IAS got more.

A bonanza of promotions ensued for the top men in the civilian bureaucracy; bombastic nomenclature was often invented for mundane jobs. Thus, departments have new apex grade posts like Principal Chief Commissioners and Principal Chief Controllers who are oerforming the same functions as their less ostentatiously named predecessors.

The IAS, of course, raced far ahead. An IAS officer could aspire to be a Divisional Commissioner in sixteen years. Senior posts proliferated for the IAS and IPS; instead of eight or nine Divisional Commissioners thirty years ago, UP now has around thirty of them. Similarly, as against one Inspector-General of Police, most large States now have ten posts of Director-General of Police.

Combined with the Government’s inability or unwillingness to fill vacant lower-level posts, the civilian bureaucracy is on the verge of becoming an inverted pyramid. An insane quest for promotions has resulted in adding levels to the bureaucratic hierarchy, with a deleterious effect on governance. Simply put, there are too many persons to give directions but very few to obey.

Conceding the Army’s demand for changing the rank structure may have unforeseen effects on army discipline because the world over military ranks are conferred depending on the number of troops commanded; armies of many small nations are often led by officers of the rank of Major-General or Lieutenant-General.

A better way to satisfy the Army’s demand for equivalence could be to resolve the anomalies in the civilian bureaucracy which would also improve the quality of governance.

The first step towards addressing the government structure would be to abolish the Warrant of Precedence which decides the inter-se seniority of all Government functionaries.

A colonial relic, the Warrant begins with a disclaimer: “(The Warrant) is only used to indicate ceremonial protocol and has no legal standing. It is not applicable for the day-to-day functioning of the Government of India.”

But, the Warrant of Precedence is the root cause of most of the inter-services rivalries and causes much friction and heartburn in the day-to-day functioning of the Government.

TN Seshan, as Chief Election Commissioner, went to the Supreme Court to improve his ranking in the Warrant of Precedence. There are recorded instances where the Governor of a State refused to talk to the Departmental Secretary because the Governor felt that he should be addressed by the Minister. Often, important senior-level posts remain vacant because people in other services have not been promoted to an equivalent level.

In the interest of good administration, seniority should be defined only within departments and all departments and organisations should be treated as equal. The working of various departments could be coordinated by coordinating bodies at the district, state and national levels.

Then, we can have a running scale common to all services with employees moving on to the next post when the vacancy arises, subject to suitability. These simple steps could take care of much of the heartburn and friction caused by the present system.

Thereafter, the structure and organisation of civilian bureaucracy should be reviewed for optimal functional efficiency doing away with unnecessary layers of officialdom.

A sufficient number of lower-level functionaries have to be recruited so that important functions of governance are not perfunctorily performed by contractual employees.

Another pressing need is to redefine the scope of duties of all employees in all departments, considering the fact that computerisation has radically altered the way Government business is conducted.

In principle, the goal of the bureaucratic system is to contribute to the welfare of society but in what could be an apt description of most modern bureaucracies, the nineteenth century French novelist, Honore de Balzac, wrote: “Bureaucracy is a giant mechanism operated by pygmies.”

As a country, our aim should be to have a system where each member of the bureaucracy rises above his pygmy-hood and realises his full potential, benefiting both himself and society at large.

The bureaucracy has often been accused of status-quoism, non-performance and much worse but the inherent contradictions in its organisation have not been addressed so far.

The recent move to induct domain experts at Joint Secretary level is a recognition of two facts ~ domain experts are required for governance and domain experts do not rise to senior levels under the present system. The opposition of the entrenched bureaucracy to this move only shows that the bureaucracy wants to preserve its turf even at the cost of good governance.

With the contagion of opportunism poised to infect the armed forces, the time has come for a complete reorganisation of the civil services. One only hopes that at the end of the re-organisation exercise, Government functionaries will realise that public service, not self-glorification, is the aim of their job.

The writer is a retired Principal Chief Commissioner of Income-Tax.

Courtesy: Statesman

NEW DELHI: The Indian defence forces are shining at the 2018 Asian Games, having won 14 medals, including four gold, five silver and five bronze medals so far.

Indian Army has won the highest number of medals among the three services. This is in events such as javelin, rowing, equestrian, kabbadi, 800 metre and 1500 metre events.

The Indian Air Force has won medals in 10m Air Rifle and Wushu events.

The Indian Navy has won in men’s shot put and the men’s 400 metre.

Sixty six army sportspersons have participated in 18 events in this year’s Asian Games. Fourteen of them have won nine medals, including four in individual events and five in team events.

Neeraj Chopra, a Naib Subedar in the army, won a gold medal in the javelin throw. Jinson Johnson, also a Naib Subedar, won a silver in 800 metre and on Thursday won the 1500 metre gold medal. Arokia Rajiv, a Subedar, won a silver medal as a member of the Indian athletics mixed 4X400 metre relay team. Dushyant Chauhan, a Naib Subedar, won a bronze in the men’s lightweight single sculls.

The Indian men’s Kabbadi team, comprising of army Havildar Monu Goyat, won a bronze medal after losing to Iran in the semifinals.

India’s Deepak Kumar, a Sergeant in the IAF, won a silver in the men’s 10 metre Air Rifle individual event. Ravi Kumar, a Junior Warrant Officer in the IAF, won a bronze in the 10 metre Air Rifle Mixed Team event with Apurvi Chandela. Sergeant Santosh Kumar won a bronze in the Wushu event after losing his semifinal bout.

Meanwhile, navy personnel Tejinder Pal Singh Toor bagged a gold medal in men’s shot put, setting a new record at 20.75 m during his fifth attempt, surpassing the six year old national record of 20.69 m and shattering the Asian Games record. Muhammed Anas won a silver in the men’s 400 metre.

Courtesy: ET

By S Krishnaswamy

August 16, 2018

We must be realistic about where India stands. Our focus is on defending our territory and we need to structure our forces and strategy accordingly. (Illustration: CR Sasikumar)

There have been murmurs of a debate in recent days about the idea of forming three integrated military Theatre Commands, covering the Northern, Eastern and Southern territory, that would subsume all operational functions of the existing 19 predominantly single-service commands in their respective geographical areas. The Theatre Command concept is over-simplified. Conceptually, one visualises large theatre operations like Normandy landings and other World War II campaigns that involved large manoeuvering armies. However, technology now offers stand-off means and special weapons that can degrade and destroy the enemy’s potential effectively and reduce the need for direct confrontation. The days of large manoeuvering armies are over, especially in a nuclear-threat scenario.

We must be realistic about where India stands. Our focus is on defending our territory and we need to structure our forces and strategy accordingly. Interestingly, the current responsibilities of the 19 commands towards administering, training, equipping and supporting the forces under their charge would in no way diminish if such Theatre Commands are formed. The creation of few more general rank posts would be sought. Do we really need to get organisationally so top-heavy — it is so even now — thereby diluting the ranks? There is scope to “de-brass” the military even in the current structure by reducing the number of two and three stars and improving the teeth-to-tail ratio.

In military planning, one must consider India’s needs and challenges. India is one of the fastest-growing economies of the world and promotes its image as a peace-loving, mature and a dependable power. Many nations in its neighbourhood are economically weak and depend on India for their own progress. However, India is still a developing country and its economy may not be strong enough to withstand many storms. Dividing the country into military theatres sounds jingoist. Having attended several Cabinet Committee on Security deliberations when the country nearly went into war, I learnt that any battle that India may be compelled to enter must remain short and swift.

In this present scenario, forming Theatre Commands would demand large increase in expenditure with doubtful returns. Before we embark on a new organisation, the government must evaluate the efficacy of the current Integrated Defence Headquarters including the two joint commands — the Strategic Forces Command and ANC (Andaman and Nicobar Command). The core issue to be addressed when considering the Theatre Command is whether the current structure helps the Services to coordinate and mount joint operations effectively. Would a new organisation improve “jointness”?

I recall some examples from my own experience of Inter-Service co-operation and jointness. One night, well past midnight, few years after the Kargil conflict, I received a call from the then army chief about an adversary having sneaked up a mountain in our territory and occupied a part of it. He wanted an early air strike on that hilltop. I understood the need and importance of speed and secrecy. Before long, we met the defence minister and the situation was explained. He gave us a go ahead and told us that he would keep the PM informed. There was a couple of days’ delay in mounting the strike due to weather, logistics and the time taken in getting the final clearance.

The strike warranted the use of a type of aircraft that was based 1,500-km away, weapons at another base, an interim base for launching the strike and senior pilots for executing the mission at yet another base. Since every message and call was monitored from across the border, we communicated only in person. No signals or orders were issued. A designated Air Force Commander took charge and flew down to the hills and met the field commander concerned and got the briefing about the target. He flew down to the fighter base that was to mount the operations and then to the parent base of the squadron that would execute the mission. Eight aircraft flew a circuitous route over the mountains and landed at a base unannounced. Weapons were loaded and the strikes having been carried out, they returned directly to their home base.

The mission was a success. The news broke in the media after many days. We possibly avoided another Kargil-like situation. In this instance, there was no lack of jointness, though the process followed was unorthodox and demonstrated flexibility. A Theatre Command will not have the resources to mount such an operation or the freedom to decide. The air force is organised and trained to plan operations centrally to exercise the best possible choice and the execution is delegated. Resources and skills being limited, they are spread out geographically. There have been many such instances of outstanding cooperation with other Services. We do not have to imitate the US or NATO structures or their drills. We should evolve our own ways that can swiftly achieve results at minimal cost avoiding collateral damage and losses. We can do so by evaluating organisations and operations for cost-effectiveness.

While the idea of a Theatre Command may seemingly have some operational advantage, the permanency of dividing our own territory into Operational Theatres as a defence measure seems preposterous. And to state that such a division is required to defend our country more effectively sounds alarming. International press for one, not to mention our adversaries, would have a field day with the news that could be interpreted in many ways — to exercise tighter political control could be one. In recent times, no progressive country has created Theatre Commands to defend its home territory. The Western militaries call themselves expeditionary forces (our military is termed as defence forces) typically meant to create joint command not for home-defence but to project their power overseas. The Falkland conflict was one interesting example wherein the expeditionary force sailed 8,000 miles from UK to reach Falkland. The force was headed by an admiral and on disembarking, the leadership shifted to an army general.

Even after the establishment of Theatre Commands, the responsibility of the country’s air defence would remain with the air force and so also offensive air operations and strategic and tactical air transport support for the entire gamut of operations. IAF assets, including special weapons, are limited in number and are distributed across the country, which require base-installation support. It is not possible to triplicate or quadruplicate them to every Theatre Command. Same is the case with skilled personnel and EW (electronic warfare) and C4ISR (command, control, computers, communications, intelligence and reconnaissance) equipment. Moreover, the IAF has a serious shortfall in strength of combat squadrons. Our combat squadron strength may never reach the reasonable figure of 45.

In future wars, we expect military actions to be swift and the objectives to be met in days or weeks. This could be a tall order if we plan a large manoeuvering army or the navy in blue-water leaving the coast to the coast guard. The essentials are special forces, special weapons, stealth, integrated surveillance and communication. We should focus on modernising our strategic thinking and innovate solutions to meet our challenges. These requirements are not feasible unless we trim the flab. The formation of a Theatre Command at a juncture when we are lagging behind on modernisation would not be in the best interest of the nation.

The writer is former Chief of Air Staff. The views are personal.

Courtesy: IE

I had gone to UK in 1995 as Deputy Leader of the Indian Delegation to take part in the 50th Anniversary celebrations of the victory in Europe during the Second World War.

I, along with four other Army officers, had just stepped out after attending the inaugural session and were waiting on the roadside for the traffic to ease so as to walk across the road to the vehicle park.

Among those with me was Honorary Captain Umrao Singh, a Victoria Cross winner.

All of a sudden, a car moving on the road came to a halt in front of us and a well-dressed gentleman stepped out.

He approached Umrao Singh and said,

“Sir, may I have the privilege of shaking hands with the Victoria Cross (winner) ?”

He shook hands with him.

Evidently he had spotted Umrao Singh’s medal from his car and had stopped his car to pay his respect to a winner of the highest gallantry medal of his country.

Then he looked at me and said,

“General, you are from the Indian Army.”

When I replied in the affirmative, he gave out his name, saying that he was Michael Heseltine.

I was absolutely astounded, as the recognition dawned on me that he was the Deputy Prime Minister of [the] UK.

I was totally overawed by such courtesy shown by a dignitary of the second highest status in the British Government, and humbly thanked him for having invited our delegation for the VE-Day function.

Again, his reply was typical of his sagacity,

“General, it is we, the British, who should be grateful to your country and your Armed Forces, who had helped us win both the First and the Second world wars.

How can we be ever so ungrateful to forget your country’s great contribution ?”

Suddenly I became conscious that all the traffic behind his car had come to stand still.

I hurried to thank him and politely requested him to move along to relieve the traffic hold-up.

He stated,

“Sir, how dare I drive off when [the] Victoria Cross has to cross the road.”

Realizing his genuine feeling I and my colleagues quickly crossed the road.

Reaching the other side I looked back and saw that Mr. Heseltine was still standing waiting for the Victoria Cross to be safely across.

The Whole World loves and respects the Veteran Soldiers

Jul 11, 2018

NEW DELHI: The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) Special Court on Wednesday sent Captain (Retd) Salam Singh Rathore to seven years in jail in the 2005 Navy War Room leak case. The other accused, Commander (Retd) Jarnail Singh Kalra has been acquitted.

While sentencing Rathore, the court said that he had committed the offence against national security. The judge convicted Rathore under Section 3(1) C of the 1923 Official Secrets Act and handed him the jail term for spying under the Official Secrets Act.

The court, while awarding the sentence, considered the submission of the prosecutor that several secret documents were recovered from the possession of Rathore which he could not account for.

The 2005 case pertains to the leaking of over 7,000 pages of defence sensitive information from the naval war room and air defence headquarters, where serving officers passed on military secrets to unauthorised persons for financial gain.

Courtesy: Zee News

NEW DELHI: Major General VD Dogra (59th course NDA) became the first serving Indian Army officer and the only General across the world to have completed a gruelling ‘Ironman’ triathlon competition held in Austria on Sunday, army officers said today.

The Ironman is an international triathlon consisting of three consecutive events- 3.8 km of swimming, 180 km cycling and 42.2 km of running (a full marathon). It is considered the toughest one day sporting event in the world. The competitors have to complete the events in sequence within 17 hours to earn the title of ‘Ironman’.

Maj Gen Dogra completed the event in 14 hours and 21 minutes. “He is the only serving army officer from the Indian Army to have done a full Ironman and the only General across the globe to have done so,” said army officers privy to the matter.

The Ironman Austria was held in Klagenfurt on July 1. More than 3000 athletes participated in the event. Maj Gen Dogra, who is currently posted as Director General Resettlement, was one of the participants.

“He has been an avid sportsman all his life. However he started cycling about five years ago. He cycled from Leh to Chandigarh, a distance of 800 kms, in 8 days,” said officers.

He has also cycled from Jodhpur to Jaisalmer, Sela Pass to Bumla Pass in Arunachal Pradesh and from Akhnoor to Rajouri in Jammu and Kashmir. He has participated in several triathlons which include the Sprint category (500 metres swimming, 20 km cycling and 5 km running), the Olympic category (1500 metres swimming, 40 km cycling, 10 km running), the half Ironman and now the full Ironman.

His efforts drew applause from Congress president Rahul Gandhi as well. In a tweet, Rahul Gandhi saluted General VD Dogra and said that he is an inspiration and role model for all the Indians.

“It takes tremendous will power, discipline & stamina to complete an Ironman triathlon – 3.8 KM swim; 180 KM cycle; 42.2 KM run. Major General Dogra did that, in Austria, in just 14 hrs! He is a role model & inspiration for all Indians. We salute him!,” Gandhi’s tweet read.

Courtesy: ET

NEW DELHI: Naval officer Commander Abhilash Tomy will sail around the world, solo and non-stop, as part of the prestigious Golden Globe Race (GGR) that commenced from Les Sables d’Olonne harbour in France today.

“The uniqueness of the race is that boat designs and technology newer than 1968 are not permitted. Hence, the use of Global Positioning System (GPS), satellite communication, navigational aids, etc are forbidden,” the Navy said in an official statement.

Tomy, one of India’s prominent sailors and a recipient of the Kirti Chakra, is the only participant from Asia.

He has already covered 53,000 nautical miles under sail, including a solo non-stop circumnavigation of the globe in 2012-13 on board Indian Naval Sailing Vessel (INSV) Mhadei.
The Golden Globe Race is being conducted by Sir Robin Knox Johnston of the UK to commemorate 50 years of the world’s first solo non-stop circumnavigation undertaken by him in 1968 on board the Indian built boat, Suhaili.

Courtesy: TOI

Do read what follows…….. This happened in the US ! Will it happen in our country… India?

Letter from a US Airline pilot:

He writes:

My lead flight attendant came to me and said, “We have an H.R. On this flight.”  (H.R. Stands for human remains.)

“Are they military?” I asked.

‘Yes’, she said.

‘Is there an escort?’ I asked.

‘Yes, I already assigned him a seat’.

‘Would you please tell him to come to the flight deck. You can board him early,” I said..

A short while later, a young army sergeant entered the flight deck. He was the image of the perfectly dressed soldier. He introduced himself and I asked him about his soldier. The escorts of these fallen soldiers talk about them as if they are still alive and still with us.

‘My soldier is on his way back to Virginia ,’ he said. He proceeded to answer my questions, but offered no words.

I asked him if there was anything I could do for him and he said no. I told him that he had the toughest job in the military and that I appreciated the work that he does for the families of our fallen soldiers. The first officer and I got up out of our seats  to shake his hand. He left the flight deck to find his seat.

We completed our pre-flight checks, pushed back and performed an uneventful departure. About 30 minutes into our flight I received a call from the lead flight attendant in the cabin. ‘I just found out the family of the soldier we are carrying, is on board’, she said. She then proceeded to tell me that the father, mother, wife and 2-year old daughter were escorting their son, husband, and father home. The family was upset because they were unable to see the container that the soldier was in before we left. We were on our way to a major hub at which the family was going to wait four hours for the connecting flight home to Virginia .

The father of the soldier told the flight attendant that knowing his son was below him in the cargo compartment and being unable to see him was too much for him and the family to bear. He had asked the flight attendant if there was anything that could be done to allow them to see him upon our arrival. The family wanted to be outside by the cargo door to watch the soldier being taken off the airplane. I could hear the desperation in the flight attendants voice when she asked me if there was anything I could do. ‘I’m on it’, I said. I told her that I would get back to her.

Airborne communication with my company normally occurs in the form of e-mail like messages. I decided to bypass this system and contact my flight dispatcher directly on a Secondary radio. There is a radio operator in the operations control center who connects you to the telephone of the dispatcher. I was in direct contact with the dispatcher. I explained the situation I had on board with the family and what it was the family wanted. He said he understood and that he would get back to me.

Two hours went by and I had not heard from the dispatcher. We were going to get busy soon and I needed to know what to tell the family. I sent a text message asking for an update. I Saved the return message from the dispatcher and the following is the text:

‘Captain, sorry it has taken so long to get back to you. There is policy on this now and I had to check on a few things. Upon your arrival a dedicated escort team will meet the aircraft. The team will escort the family to the ramp and plane side. A van will be used to load the remains with a secondary van for the family. The family will be taken to their departure area and escorted into the terminal where the remains can be seen on the ramp. It is a private area for the family only. When the connecting aircraft arrives, the family will be escorted onto the ramp and plane side to watch the remains being loaded for the final leg home. Captain, most of us here in flight control are veterans.. Please pass our condolences on to the family. Thanks.’

I sent a message back telling flight control thanks for a good job. I printed out the message and gave it to the lead flight attendant to pass on to the father. The lead flight attendant was very thankful and told me, ‘You have no idea how much this will mean to them.’

Things started getting busy for the descent, approach and landing. After landing, we cleared the runway and taxied to the ramp area. The ramp is huge with 15 gates on either side of the alleyway. It is always a busy area with aircraft manuvering every which way to enter and exit.

When we entered the ramp and checked in with the ramp controller, we were told that all traffic was being held for us.

‘There is a team in place to meet the aircraft’, we were told.

It looked like it was all coming together, then I realised that once we turned the seat belt sign off, everyone would stand up at once and delay the family from getting off the airplane. As we approached our gate, I asked the co-pilot to tell the ramp controller we were going to stop short of the gate to make an announcement to the passengers. He did that and the ramp controller said, ‘Take your time.’

I stopped the aircraft and set the parking brake. I pushed the public address button and said, ‘Ladies and gentleman, this is your Captain speaking I have stopped short of our gate to make a special announcement. We have a passenger on board who deserves our honor and respect. His Name is Private XXXXXX, a soldier who recently lost his life. Private XXXXXX is under your feet in the cargo hold. Escorting him today is Army Sergeant XXXXXXX. Also, on board are his father, mother, wife, and daughter. Your entire flight crew is asking for all passengers to remain in their seats to allow the family to exit the aircraft first. Thank you.’

We continued the turn to the gate, came to a stop and started our shutdown procedures. A couple of minutes later I opened the cockpit door. I found the two forward flight attendants crying, something you just do not see. I was told that after we came to a stop, every passenger on the aircraft stayed in their seats, waiting for the family to exit the aircraft.

When the family got up and gathered their things, a passenger slowly started to clap his hands. Moments later more passengers joined in and soon the entire aircraft was clapping. Words of ‘God Bless You’, I’m sorry, thank you, be proud, and other kind words were uttered to the family as they made their way down the aisle and out of the airplane.

They were escorted down to the ramp to finally be with their loved one.

Many of the passengers disembarking thanked me for the announcement I had made. They were just words, I told them, I could say them over and over again, but nothing I say will bring back that brave soldier.

I respectfully ask that all of you reflect on this event and the sacrifices that millions of our men and women have made to ensure our freedom and safety

Footnote:

I know everyone who has served their country who reads this will have tears in their eyes, including me (Being Defence Officer’s son.)

I do Remember The Epitaph at “Chushul” in Ladhak after the Chinese Ops of 1962 :

• “When you go home Tell them ,for their Today we gave our Tomorrow”
• “They die for me and mine and you and yours and deserve our honour and respect.
• Lord, hold our troops in your loving hands.
• Protect them as they protect us,.bless them and their families for the selfless acts they perform for us in our time of need.. In  God’s Name’

A Request:

When you read this, please stop for a moment and say a prayer for our troops in India & those Indian troops deployed around the world..

Of all the gifts you could give a Soldier, Sailor, Airman, & others deployed in harm’s way, prayer is the very best one.

In my last tenure as QMG I recall a very interesting exchange at the highest level. In a meeting on land issues chaired by the RM, and attended by top bureaucrats of the MoD the RM asked me “General, why are Cantonments in the centre of town and occupying prime land?” I replied tongue in cheek that cantonments were on the outskirts, but cities have slowly crept up to the cantonments and surrounded them! This in my view is at the very heart of the problem facing cantonments, and the envy, bordering on jealously, with which cantonments are viewed by a few misinformed people who feel that the army is privileged and even pampered, living in clean and green cantonments. The historical facts though are completely at variance with these misinformed perceptions.

Cantonments derive their name from Swiss Cantons, or districts and were set up by the British in India for entirely different reasons. When the British troops arrived in India, they fell sick very often due to malaria, dysentery and other infectious and waterborne diseases. These diseases also took a toll on Indian troops.

Thus it was decided to create army cantonments well away from cities, often in the wilderness, at the very outskirts of city limits. The additional advantage of such a move was that parades, training and marches with horse’s, mules etc would not inconvenience the local population.

I wonder if in the 1950s any one in Delhi had even heard of a faraway place in the jungle called Dhuala Kuan! It is to the credit of the Army that these outlying areas, where they were shunted away, became islands of excellence and oasis of greenery; the modern equivalent of smart cities. Today, they are the lungs and biodiversity havens of most cities.

The first cantonment was established in Barrackpore in 1765 and the last one created recently was Ajmer. There are a total of 62 cantonments, mostly in Central and Western Command. These are distinct from military stations which number about 2000 and are exclusive for the army. The current order on road opening thankfully does not apply to military stations.

It is worth pointing out that the Army is fully considerate of the needs of the nation and has not only allowed access to cantonments but also given away prime defence land for public good.

The Delhi metro link from Dhaula Kuan in New Delhi going to the airport is entirely built on defence land given by the army. So is the Dwarka flyover coming to Palam and beyond. The new road to airport in Hyderabad and Chennai has been given access through defence land.

Cantonments have also parted with hundreds upon hundreds of acres of land to expand airports in places like Gwalior and many more. Even now, there is unfettered access to civilians in many areas. The Cariappa Marg going to Janakpuri dissects Delhi Cantonment and has been in use for long. There are hundreds of such examples where land in cantonments has been shared with the nation willingly for public good.

Cantonments were meant for the exclusive use of the Army, so no access to civilians on cantonment roads was contemplated. This changed when the British ran out of money to manage the budget of the Indian Army, for accommodation or amenities. The British being consummate traders at heart hit upon a novel idea.

They decided to allot land on lease in cantonments to rich officers and traders to build their own infrastructure. Thus they gave away land on grant to civilians, army officers and churches, with a proviso: the land would belong to the army but the superstructure would belong to the builder.

Thus you see hundreds of sprawling and dilapidated bungalows in many cantonments, known as ‘Old Grant Bungalows’. The shopping complexes (Gopinath Bazar) also came up on similar lines. It was expressly forbidden to sell these properties to civilians but over the years rules were bent and powerful people with connections grabbed these lucrative properties and refused to vacate them after the leases expired.

Besides this, many encroachments by the land mafia took place in the upscale cantonment areas. The civilian population in cantonments thus started to grow exponentially and a powerful lobby and vote bank built up. They no longer liked the discipline and order insisted upon by the Station Commander and the Army Commanders who are the supreme LMA.

The clout of the MLA’s and MP’s who represent the cantonment areas has been the main catalyst in promulgation of the blanket order to open access roads to all civilians.

While safety and security of families has become the main talking point, one must not forget that cantonments also house our troops, vehicles, sensitive equipment and their barracks. They consist of firing ranges, training areas, parade grounds, laboratories and dozens of specialised land needed for operational readiness of troops.

Cantonments are thus not relics of the British era as some suppose but a very relevant and inescapable need of the forces. The current blanket order on opening up all 62 cantonments for access to civilians is thus not a well thought through idea, and disturbs the existing order drastically, creates avoidable mistrust and friction besides impinging on security. It must be put on hold immediately.

Editors Note: In South Asia, the term cantonment also describes permanent military stations. Cantonments can be found in Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, South Africa,^[ Singapore, Malaysia, Ghana, Sri Lanka and Nepal.  In United States military parlance, a cantonment is an essentially permanent residential (i.e. barracks) section of a fort or other military installation. The opening up of cantonment roads is a matter of concern to military authorities for security reasons.